17.03.2022, 08:12
A+ Analytics

The evolution of the messages of the President of Kazakhstan

It can be said that for the entire period of 30 years of independence, there was no more psychologically difficult period for the authorities to make promises to the population. The President of Kazakhstan, according to the old tradition, remains the main and, perhaps, the only one among all state structures to discuss the prospects for transforming the political system, recognizing the problems of public administration, restoring communication between the authorities and the ordinary population, and in general, the future of Kazakhstan.

Фотография с открытых источников

Despite numerous criticisms on the Internet, social networks and comments under the official video about the lack of information about the retirement age, wages, the army, the fight against known corrupt officials, it is important to note the positive points. The most important part of the Address was the promises and projects of political reforms and the transformation of Kazakhstan from a very “super-presidential” state into something new and transitional. A promise that should have been made long before 2022 has finally come from the President.

K. Tokaev's speech to the deputies, the society of Kazakhstan is sharply discordant with the previous reports during the "bloody January" itself about the reasons for bringing people to the streets. If earlier, these were direct accusations against external forces, the actions of foreign terrorists, a conspiracy of ill-wishers from outside, then in the Message many received a new answer and saw a different opinion of the head of state. The President of Kazakhstan, K. Tokayev, admitted several times that the events of "Bloody January" were the result of the lack of reforms, corruption, nepotism and stagnation in Kazakhstan. “I am firmly convinced that our country still needs cardinal reforms. Otherwise, stagnation… and the January events, to some extent, were the result of domestic stagnation.” Despite the absence of names, names of companies and surnames of relatives in K. Tokayev’s speech, it is obvious that specific people are guilty of the events of “Bloody January”, known to any Kazakhstani. “Today, it has become obvious to the whole society that it was the monopolization of political and economic activity that played perhaps the most important role in the January events.”

In his speech about the future of Kazakhstan, the head of state spoke, in a mild manner, about the current regime in the country as a "super presidential form of government." The redistribution, in the future, of powers in favor of the Parliament was called the main mechanism for building a new balance between the authorities. Obviously, this is not a promise to make a complete separation of the three branches of government and the approval of the presidency as the head of the executive branch only. But it can be predicted that the trend of reducing the powers of the presidency will continue and will be realized at the end of the expected second term of K. Tokayev's presidency. In the modern history of Kazakhstan, for the first time, the promise of the head of the country was made not to change or violate the Constitution on the terms of government. For the first time, we can talk about firm guarantees about the maximum two terms of the presidency and the predictable calendar of elections for the highest post in the country. Despite the possible temptation and opportunity to continue the old tradition of Elbasy, K. Tokayev gave guarantees to the elite and the population to observe the principles of democracy and the Constitution of Kazakhstan. At present, the promises of the head of the country to carry out reforms are all there is so far as proof and a fact of future changes and changes: “Today, literally everything is limited to the president, and I think this is wrong. We need to gradually move away from this practice.” Trust in the words and proposals of the Head of State to transform the political regime in Kazakhstan is given by actions against the former political party Nur Otan. The head of state stopped the former unshakable tradition of membership of the highest leader of the country in the Nur Otan - Amanat party. Despite the propaganda move against the chairman, members of the election commission, the counting committee, the constitutional council, akims of the regions, who also should not be part of and members of political parties, the decision really meets the requirements of the sovereignty of state power from parties and public organizations.

One of the most serious moments of the speech is the recognition of the problem of low authority and public confidence in officials, current leaders, deputies, political parties of Kazakhstan. It is obvious that the initiatives to reduce the thresholds and limits for registration, the activities of political parties, the restoration of the previously abolished practice of electing deputies of parliament and maslikhats by the majoritarian system are measures to restore the channels of communication between the population and the authorities. You can find various results of sociological surveys regarding the authority of officials, the attitude of the population to state power, and political parties. General conclusions about the situation of society's attitude to power show dangerous and disturbing processes. Obviously, in order to restore the authority, a positive image of officials, deputies in front of the population, especially in the border areas and regions of Kazakhstan, more needs to be done than just giving specific people the opportunity to be elected to the Parliament of Kazakhstan. Perhaps we should return to the thought and proposal of K. Tokayev in 2020 “If, as a result of a survey or online voting, more than 30% of residents believe that the akim of a city or village is ineffective, this is the basis for the creation of a special commission by the presidential administration in order to study the problem that has arisen with the introduction of appropriate recommendations."

A completely new idea that was voiced within the framework of the Address was the issues of the sovereignty of the information field of Kazakhstan. For the first time, the head of state spoke about the problem and the danger of losing mechanisms and opportunities to influence the minds and opinions of the population within Kazakhstan itself, as a result of information dictate from foreign, and more specifically, Russian media.

It can be summed up that the president again remains the only "news maker" regarding the prospects for political reforms in Kazakhstan. Tasks and responsibilities, which should be shared equally with the elite, parties and leaders of Kazakhstan, continue by inertia only within the framework of the initiatives of the head of the country. So far, one can only hope that the initiatives and promises made will actually be implemented within the framework of constitutional and legislative changes. But it is obvious that the proposals made, when implemented, will be a reliable foundation on the way to further democratization of the political system and regime in Kazakhstan.
 

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